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A revisionist
returns to blast the 'new economy'
By:
Paul J. Scalise
Whoever
wants to find an audience in this competitive information-saturated
market of the new millennium needs a thesis with a bang. Long
ago this unholy message reached the political economist, too,
resulting in short-lived uproars against rational sensibilities.
But seldom has it been followed so persistently as in the case
of the “revisionist” school of thought (so named by Business
Week magazine in 1989 because its backers rejected the thesis
that Japan would eventually become a “normal” nation, politically
and economically similar to the West.)
When Japan’s “bubble” burst in the early 1990s, deflating its domestic
asset prices, exposing the myriad non-performing loans by its inefficient
financial institutions and generally socking the economy with increased
unemployment, corporate bankruptcy and political unrest, most analysts
took pause. Suddenly the critical issues surrounding Japan weren’t
its structural strengths, but its chronic weaknesses. The burgeoning
trade surpluses that revisionists once trotted out with increasing
regularity seemed irrelevant to the further revelations of corruption
in the boardroom, excessive government debt, rising suicide rates
and a shrinking workforce barely capable of supporting its aging
population. As observers scratched their heads in the face of American
prosperity and Japanese stagnation, the questions on almost everyone’s
mind were: Whatever happened to the Japanese miracle? Were the revisionists
wrong?
“Au contraire,” says one nostalgic holdout. Western analysts are
still looking at the wrong economic indicators.
With In Praise of Hard Industries, Tokyo-based financial
journalist Eamonn Fingleton cultivates his gadfly stance in an effort
to buttress his previous book, Blindside: Why Japan is Still
on Track to Overtake the U.S. by the Year 2000 (1995). There,
“Japan” is depicted as a monolithic state of predatory exporters
fooling the West with its false modesty and wily ways. This time
around, the author goes a step further: preaching to U.S. policy-makers
and CEOs about the not-so-original silver bullets needed to beat
those clever foreigners at their own game.
Simply put: Mr. Fingleton would like to rehabilitate the term “prohibitive
tariff.” High value-added manufacturing (“hard industries”), he
believes, should be protected against cheaper, higher-quality imports
through government fiat (subsidies, tariffs and tax incentives)
at the expense of “soft industries” like publishing, broadcasting,
the internet and computer software, to name a few. In true mercantile
fashion, the author measures success in terms of trade surpluses
(in Japan’s case, $750bn) and concludes that the so-called “new
economy”—with its overvalued software companies and “deindustrializing”
manufacturing base—seriously flirts with nationwide disaster.
The argument is one of many Mr. Fingleton makes to warn readers
that America still can’t cut the economic mustard; it is also one
of many that still doesn’t jibe with the facts.
While it’s true that America currently runs a net surplus in services—leading
the world in the export of finance, advertising and computer programming—its
manufacturing base isn’t exactly floundering either. American manufacturing
as a total share of the world economy makes up $1.4 trn. Even if
we accept Mr. Fingleton’s assertion that America is being shut out
of certain markets, a debatable point in itself, there’s little
evidence to suggest that companies are suffering because of it.
Indeed, by several measures the American economy is performing above
par: the unemployment rate is at a thirty-year low, with inflation
practically non-existent; average real wage rates are rising; and
productivity growth stands near perfect. Even assuming Mr. Fingleton
were correct in his view that “manufacturing, not the information
economy, was the key to future prosperity”—and who can say
for certain?—one has to wonder how raising tariffs and thus
consumer prices (something the author acknowledges), not to mention
the added risk of trade wars, investment pull-outs and exchange-rate
backlashes would help matters.
Or is that what the new-economy gurus would like you to believe?
The preliminary answers, as Mr. Fingleton presents them, all depend
on our willingness to “take the blinders off”—something only
a select group of protectionists and Japan revisionists are willing
to do, he says. As Mr. Fingleton sees it, then, developed nations
already divide themselves into two opposing camps. On the one side,
Anglo-American “post-industrialists” somehow bamboozle their citizenry
into believing service-related sectors—and only service-related
sectors—are the cat’s meow. These are the professional punditry
class; men and women with a lot to gain from promoting the “new
economy.” One the other side stand “industrialists” like Japan and
Germany that allegedly don’t. “They adopt,” writes Mr. Fingleton,
“carefully honed national strategies to boost their manufacturing
prowess.”
Mr. Fingleton denies that he is either a “Japan basher” or a “racist”,
the epithets usually hurled at critics of Japan’s “counter-intuitive”
political economy. But his argument, which is a well-written billboard
for the complexities of manufacturing, nevertheless degenerates
into a relentlessly one-sided, polemical contradiction.
He dismisses the Western media for being blind to the conspiracy,
even though he resorts to quoting from them to buttress his thesis
of a “deindustrializing” America. He tells us that production surveys
and other statistics (which coincidentally support the view of a
strong American economy) are “notoriously unreliable…and, by dint
of a judicious choice of assumptions, can be made to ‘prove’ almost
anything.” Oddly enough, he draws the line at applying the same
suspicion to any statistic confirming Japan’s “economic prowess.”
Nor does Mr. Fingleton bat an eye when he calls for a more “scientific”
approach to comparative economic analysis, only to assert—without
empirical substantiation—that components and materials used
in the assembly of U.S. automobiles are primarily Japanese made.
Does this mean the book is without value? Of course not. Little
nuggets of introductory information about “manufacturing’s strengths”
do manage to pop up when least expected. Few readers will realize
that Nikon is the dominant manufacturer of glass “steppers”—essential
in the production of semiconductors—or that without Sony’s
laser diodes the production of disk players, CD-ROMS and digital
video disk players would be all but impossible.
Nevertheless, the book’s basic premise fails on its own terms. If
American industry is turning toward services, it isn’t alone. Since
the 1970s, developed nations worldwide have witnessed their labor
move from agriculture to manufacturing, and then from manufacturing
to services. Technological advances and productivity gains in manufacturing
are commonly believed to be the root cause, but Mr. Fingleton will
have none of this. As a debate tactic, it’s logical: to do otherwise
would call attention to Japan’s own service sector, which roughly
made up 65 percent of its economy in 1998, up from 38 percent in
1960.
But in the end, one wonders: if Japanese bureaucrats really want
to protect a good job mix through manufacturing, why have exporters
like NEC, Sony and Nissan Motors decided—let alone be allowed—to
make large-scale layoffs in recent months?
Despite its omissions or perhaps because of them, In Praise of
Hard Industries is still an important book. Its call to arms
against Japan and Germany as a means of investing in America’s future
is a defensible goal of sorts, but also a chapter taken right out
of another decade. Protectionists will praise him. Economists will
ignore him. But in 20 years time, the historians will likely have
the last word on this particular school of thought. Will Mr. Fingleton’s
book be marked as the renaissance of revisionist thinking on Japan?
Somehow I doubt it.
Paul J. Scalise, “A revisionists returns to blast the ‘new economy’”.
The Asahi Evening News. Life Section, Saturday-Sunday, April
8-9, 2000. Pg. 24.
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"Mr.
Fingleton denies that he is either a "Japan basher" or
a "racist", the epithets usually hurled at critics of
Japan's "counter-intuitive" political economy. But his
argument, which is a well-written billboard for the complexities
of manufacturing, nevertheless degenerates into a relentlessly one-sided,
polemical contradiction."
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